October 31, 2005
Am. Gov't - President Ford
Gerald Rudolph Ford Jr. was, in many ways, the perfect choice to restore America's broken confidence after Richard Nixon. Straightforward and honest, a man of recognized decency, he traced his personal qualities back to his Midwestern childhood. Raised in Grand Rapids, Michigan, by his mother and stepfather, Ford didn't learn that he was adopted until he was almost fifteen. "My stepfather was a magnificent person," he remembered, "and my mother equally wonderful. So I couldn't have written a better prescription for a superb family upbringing."
Ford grew up to become an outstanding football player, serving as captain of his high school team, then playing all through his years at the University of Michigan. At Yale University, where he attended law school, he worked on the side as a football coach. When he returned home at the end of World War II, in which he served overseas as a navy combat officer, it was with a new feeling for public service. "I came back a converted internationalist," he recalled, "and of course our congressman at that time was an avowed, dedicated isolationist. And I thought he ought to be replaced. Nobody thought I could win. I ended up winning two to one."
"I had just taken the oath of office along with all the other freshmen and this man walked up to me and he said, 'I'm Dick Nixon from California. I welcome you here in the House Chamber.' That was January of '49."
For twenty-five years, Ford served in the House of Representatives, specializing in military matters and the budgeting process. He was appointed Minority Leader in 1964, with his highest ambition to become speaker of the House. In 1968, he watched fellow Republican Richard Nixon become elected president alongside Spiro Agnew. Four years later, in the midst of Nixon's reelection campaign, Ford learned about Watergate.
"I was dumbfounded by the stupidity of the Watergate break-in," Ford later said, "and on the Monday following that break-in, or perhaps it was Saturday night, I had a meeting with John Mitchell, who was then in charge of Nixon's campaign. 'Well,' I said to John, 'did the President, did the White House, did you know anything about this stupid break-in?' And John looked me right in the eye and said, 'Absolutely not.' So on that
assurance I took the firm stand that it was not a White House-conceived or -executed operation."
Even as the Watergate controversy was heating up, Nixon's vice president was in his own trouble. During the summer of 1973, it was disclosed that Spiro Agnew had received bribes from building contractors while he served as governor of Maryland. To escape prosecution, he was attempting to make a plea bargain. "About two days, maybe one day before the story broke," Ford recalled, "Nixon invited me to come down to the executive office in the old executive office building. I had no reason to know why I was being called.
"I was minority leader. He asked me to come down there, and for an hour and a half, we sat there and talked very informally-reminisced about our long friendship. It was a strange conversation. I finally got a call to come to the floor of the House immediately, for a vote. So I left. I got on the floor and two or three of my colleagues on the Republican side grabbed me and said, 'Agnew's resigning.' That was the first real knowledge I had that he had taken that action."
Ford suddenly knew that Nixon was considering him as a replacement for Spiro Agnew. Nixon's preference would have been John Connally of Texas, but support for a Connally appointment did not exist in Congress, and Nixon knew it. He would be forced to do what party leaders had so often done at traditional national conventions: look for somebody who could command a majority, somebody safe. The search for a compromise led directly to Gerald Ford.
"Well, that night I was home with Betty," Ford remembered, "and about eight-thirty after dinner I got a call from Mel Laird and Mel said, "I'm down at the White House. Would you accept the nomination for vice president if it was offered?" And I said I guess I would. I knew if I was offered it I would accept it but I never thought that being vice president would lead to being president."
Just after Ford became vice president, Archibald Cox, the Watergate special prosecutor, was fired, and the White House scandal became even more heated. In the midst of congressional talk of impeaching Richard Nixon, Ford suddenly found himself also in the line of fire. "It was very, very uncomfortable," he recalled. "I disagreed privately with some of the actions that were taken by the Nixon White House. I never had good relations with Haldeman and Ehrlichman and Chuck Colson. My personality, my background didn't fit with them. So I felt that President Nixon was getting some bad advice. And it was a very narrow path for nine months. If I was critical of Nixon, the press and the public would have said, well, he was trying to undercut Nixon so he will get the job. On the other hand, if I stayed too loyal it might appear that I was supporting somebody who was involved in this very unwise action. So I had to go down this narrow path of not supporting him too much or not criticizing him too frequently. It was not a pleasant experience."
On Thursday, August 1, 1974, Ford received a phone call from Alexander Haig telling him there was a "smoking gun"-evidence that Nixon was involved in the Watergate cover-up. "Al Haig [asked] to come over and see me," Ford remembered, "to tell me that there would be a new tape released on a Monday, and he said the evidence in there was devastating and there would probably be either an impeachment or a resignation. And he said, 'I'm just warning you that you've got to be prepared, that things might change dramatically and you could become president.' And I said, 'Betty, I don't think we're ever going to live in the vice president's house."
Am. Gov't - Position Paper #3
October 30, 2005
IR - International Parliaments
Inside the White House
Harry Truman famously stated, "The Buck Stops Here" - meaning that the President is ultimately accountable for the Administration. But no President can have their hands in every item that comes toward the government; which means - power is delegated. Each President must choose a staff who will be capable of understanding power and politics, who can advise him as to how best to explain the actions of the government to the people, and finally, who will shape the country's policy. Look through the list of names of the people working in the West Wing of the White House; who do you recognize? Karl Rove, Harriet Miers, Dick Cheney - they are all within footsteps of the President.
Trust, savvy, and competence are what keep an administration afloat; yet Presidencies are confronted with the unexpected, each day, for dealing with the unexpected is the nature of the job. Second terms are historically unkind to Presidents; why do you think that is? FDR, Truman, Eisenhower, Johnson, Nixon, Reagan, Clinton and now Bush - all were tainted by scandal in their last years in office. It is enough to make one envy the esteem that the public holds for JFK, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter and George Bush Sr. - the esteem of course comes only when history, not the electorate - makes its judgment.
Over the next two weeks, we must spend our time getting to know these Presidents; the President is the 'indispenable person' in the US government, and each President leaves a mark on the history of the government, and the country.
There will not be much time to come up for air during these four class periods; as background information for the lectures, please familiarize yourself with Chapter 11 in the textbook; that's the foundation. Specifically, we need to know about impeachment, succession, the evolution of the Presidency, the role of non-elected aides, separation/sharing of powers, Presidential-Congressional relations, the fluid roles of the President, the President in wartime, public affairs, and finally, a President's legacy. Your textbook and the newspapers are the place to start. To make these points of reference more real to you, please look at the current Bush Administration, and compare it to the second term of President Clinton's. The topics we address are current events, and relevant to today's governing of the United States, but it is just as true, that questions of power, tend to repeat themselves. People like Macchiavelli and Locke and Jefferson and Franklin understood constants of human nature; the framers undertook to create a system of good government, based upon both ideals and raw power politics. Please keep this in mind as you read.
Remember - our job in this course is to make sure that the next time you vote, you do so with a clear understanding of what's at stake, and what role you play in all levels of government.
Thank you,
Pete McRoberts
1: Linda Gambatesa, Oval Office Operations
2: Personal Secretary and Personal Aide to the President
3: Scott McClellan, White House Press Secretary
4: Pamela Stevens, Assistant Press Secretary
5: Erin Healy, Assistant Press Secretary
6: Steve Hadley, Deputy National Security Advisor
7: Condoleezza Rice, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
8: Richard B. Cheney, Vice President
9: Jonathan Burks, and Veronica Vargas Stidvent, Assistants to the President for Policy
10: Joseph Hagin, Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations
11: Harriet Miers, Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy
12: Andrew H. Card, Chief of Staff
13: Dan Bartlett, Communications
14: Mike Gerson, Speechwriting
15: David Hobbs, Legislative Affairs
16: Eric Pelletier, Deputy Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs
17: Steve Friedman, Economic Policy
18: Keith Hennessey, Economic Policy
19: Suzy DeFrancis, Communications
20: Dina Powell, Presidential Personnel
21: David Leitch, Deputy Counsel
22: Margaret Spellings, Domestic Policy
23: Kristen Silverberg, Domestic Policy
24: Karl Rove, Senior Advisor to the President
25: Israel Hernandez, Assistant to the Senior Advisor
26: Alberto Gonzales, Counsel to the President
October 26, 2005
Position Paper #2 Model Answer
October 25, 2005
Videos
Veterans' Day
October 24, 2005
Plame Investigation
Am. Gov't/IR Video
October 20, 2005
October 19, 2005
Am. Gov't - Current Events
October 17, 2005
Current Event
October 16, 2005
Position Paper #2 Comment
Class,
If there are any position papers that have not yet been turned in, you must see to it that they are in my mailbox in the Black Hawk department office by Monday, 17 October. I am missing a few yet, and once I post the model answers on the site, ideally Monday evening, then I can no longer accept any more papers from you for the reason, that once I post the answers, they are displayed for everyone to see. If you have any questions, please email me. Thanks. Pete
October 13, 2005
Am. Gov't - FEMA lateness shocker
FYI
> October 12, 2005
> FEMA TOO LATE TO SAVE NICK AND JESSICA'S MARRIAGE
>
> Agency 'Caught Unawares' By Marital Meltdown
>
> In the latest setback for a troubled government agency, the Federal
> Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) acknowledged today that it had been too
> late to save the marriage of singers Nick Lachey and Jessica Simpson.
>
> At a press conference in Washington, D.C., a red-faced R. David Paulison,
> the interim chief of FEMA, admitted that the agency had been "caught
> unawares" by the celebrities' marital woes.
>
> "I thought everything was fine with them," Mr. Paulison told reporters.
> "The first I got wind that they were having troubles was late Tuesday
> morning."
>
> Once the FEMA chief learned that Ms. Simpson and Mr. Lachey were on the
> rocks, it took the agency a full twenty-four hours to dispatch an
> emergency marriage counselor to their home in Los Angeles, but by then it
> was too little, too late, FEMA's critics charge.
>
> Those same critics allege that amid the turmoil in the agency in recent
> weeks, someone had allowed FEMA's subscription to Us Weekly to lapse.
>
> At the White House, President Bush expressed surprise that the marriage
> between the stars of MTV's "Newlyweds" was coming to an end: "Who could
> have guessed that Nick and Jessica's wedding vows would be breached?"
>
> For his part, FEMA's Paulison said that the agency had learned its lesson
> "the hard way" from the Nick and Jessica breakup and would be better
> prepared the next time: "We are going to be monitoring Ashton and Demi
> very, very closely."
>
>
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> ***ANDY AT UNIVERSITY OF IOWA - OCT. 17-18***
> Catch Andy's historic first-ever Iowa performances at the University of
> Iowa in Iowa City as part of the New Yorker College Tour!
> Monday October 17: Andy appears with the cast of Second City at Englert
> Theatre, 221 E. Washington Street, 9 PM
> Tuesday October 18: Andy performs an hour of standup at Lunchtime at Java
> House
> 221 ½ E. Washington Street, 12 noon
>
> ***ANDY IN NYC - OCT 26***
> Andy hosts the Eureka Non-Partisan Comedy Show on Wednesday, October 26
> featuring comedy superstars Tom Shillue, Aziz Ansari, David Rees and much,
> much more! At the Laugh Lounge, 151 Essex (bet, Rivington and Stanton);
> 8:30 PM.
October 12, 2005
Am. Gov't - makeup of the Supreme Court
Am. Gov't: Breaking News Wed., October 12, 2005
Breaking News from ABCNEWS.com:
BUSH: RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF HARRIET MIERS ARE PART OF THE REASON HE PICKED
HER FOR SUPREME COURT
http://abcnews.go.com?CMP=EMC-1396
October 10, 2005
IR Extra Credit
October 05, 2005
IR - Current Events
Chancellor Schröder Flinches
The standoff between German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and would-be chancellor Angela Merkel continues. But on Monday, Schröder indicated he may be backing away from his insistence on the chancellery. Even the spin doctors are getting dizzy.
It was just a couple of brief comments, but it was enough to land Chancellor Gerhard Schröder on German front pages for what could end up being one of the last times in his political career. "It's not about me personally," he told the press on Monday before a Social Democrat Party leadership meeting. "Rather, it's about my party's claim to leadership," Schröder said. "And that is something about which only the party leadership can decide.... I don't want to stand in the way of the continuation of the reform process I started or of the creation of a stable government in Germany."
Translation: Chancellor Schröder, who for the two weeks since the Sept. 18 general elections has been insisting that he should remain the country's leader, is changing his tune. Should he be the remaining hurdle to the SPD forming a governing coalition with Angela Merkel's Christian Democrats (CDU), then he would be willing to step aside should his party ask him to. In other words, Schröder has just paid his next installment on his way to retirement.
That, at least, is the way Germany's press chose to interpret Schröder's remarks on Monday. It didn't take long for SPD party chief Franz Müntefering to try and reverse the spin. He warned Merkel on Monday evening not to draw the wrong conclusions from Schröder's comments. "That would be a big misunderstanding and I can only warn (the Merkel camp) to see his comments in that light," Müntefering said. "We are entering the (coalition) negotiations with Gerhard Schröder as the candidate for the highest office in the government."
A long, slow retreat
Despite Müntefering's rebuttal, however, Schröder's comments are part of what has become a slow -- but constant -- process of retreat. On election night, the SPD's surprising results (34.3 percent of the vote despite pre-election polls indicating they would be lucky to break 30 percent) filled Schröder with confidence. Even though Merkel's CDU -- combined with its Bavarian sister party the Christian Social Union (CSU) -- received 35.2 percent of the vote, Schröder claimed that he should be the one to form the next government and that German voters clearly wanted him to remain chancellor.
And Schröder gambled that Merkel's party -- which never gave the impression it was 100 percent behind its candidate during the campaign -- would collapse into bickering and finger pointing as a result of her election disaster.
But that never happened. Schröder's strutting about like a peacock on national, election-night television united his political opponents behind Merkel. In doing so, he also goaded them, wittingly or not, to make Schröder's elimination their main goal. In the two weeks since, Schröder's insistence on the chancellery has become more and more difficult to sustain and he and his party may now be looking for a dignified exit strategy.
Schröder the party man
Already, Müntefering has indicated that the party may be willing to move ahead without Schröder if the need arises. And now, Schröder could be positioning himself for posterity -- to go down in history as a man who ultimately sacrificed himself for the good of his party. By insinuating himself into the coalition negotiations, Schröder's very presence could very well leverage an extra cabinet post or two for his party.
Which may also explain why Schröder is only very gradually distancing himself from his chancellery claims. In the poker game of power, Monday's comments could be understood as call rather than a raise or a fold. It has become clear that Schröder has weak cards, but it is just as clear that he knows his opponents likewise don't have a fistful of aces.
Still, the final move of withdrawing from the power struggle will likely only come when Merkel offers his party a large carrot. Only then can Schröder retire as the loyal SPD party member he would like his biographers to write about. And only then will Schröder have the chance to save face.
October 04, 2005
October 03, 2005
October 02, 2005
Am. Gov't - POSITION PAPER 2
Week of 3 October
Due 10 Oct/11 Oct
You will notice this is different than the first one; for several of these questions, a simple short answer will suffice. For other questions, in-depth analysis is required. Many of these questions are based on current events, filtered through our own class discussion. You are free to use the internet and your textbook to look for answers, but all written answers must be your own work. If a question is worth two points, then I expect two separate concepts in your answer; eight points – eight concepts. Because of two points extra credit, you can receive up to 32 out of 30 points on this assignment. Although I had initially thought our second position paper would focus on the development of Judicial Review and the role of the court, I believe we have addressed those topics sufficiently in class, to allow us to now move on to the questions below.
Please provide your answers on no more than one typewritten sheet (or two double-spaced sheets) of paper. Model answers will be posted on the website for you to use as a study guide for your exams, toward the end of next week; therefore, late assignments will not be accepted without prior arrangements with me. Thank you and good luck.
1. Who is the current Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and what branch of the Military does he come from? 2 pts.
2. What is John Roberts’ current job title? (Careful, this is a trick question – do a bit of research about this, it is harder than you think). 2 pts
3. Explain the process by which a Supreme Court Justice may be removed from office. (Tip – do not simply give me the name of the process. Walk me through the process, from beginning to end. I have written this question deliberately open-ended). 6 pts. 2 pts. extra credit if you cite historical precedence, e.g., examples, for your answer.
4. Where is the Constitutional basis for ‘lower’ courts, and can the Jurisdiction of those courts be expanded or limited? If so, who does that? If this has happened in the recent past, please provide details. And can the Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court be expanded/limited? If so, who does that? Explain your answer through the context of Marbury v. Madison. (Notice that this one question asks for up to eight separate points – please address each point in your answer, in order to fully answer the question. For example, a ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answer to “can the jurisdiction of those courts be expanded or limited?” will not answer the question, and would not give you any points). 8 pts.
5. Please explain the nomination process for a Supreme Court Justice, from start to finish, emphasizing the Senate’s role. 6 pts.
6. Assume you are a US Senator, sitting on the Judiciary committee, getting ready for President Bush to nominate a replacement for Justice Sandra Day O’Connor. Assume that over the course of your research, you decide that you will not vote for the nominee. Not only that, you want to make every attempt to stop the nominee from being confirmed. What is/are your option(s), and at what stage of the process can you exercise it/them? Explain to me what this is called, and what your fellow Senators may do in response. 6 pts.